Petrit Selimi

I'm starting a new series of Monday posts, trying to cover the events of the past week, starting this very Monday with some thoughts on Turkey in Kosovo.

It's not hard to start a week with some thoughts on the events of the past week. Some people call it "Monday morning defense," because of the people who are usually big sports analysts on Mondays - after the games have been played - ready to criticize coaches or players for missed goals and errant passes.

I'm calling these short texts Monday Thoughts. Not the most original title (I accept suggestions!), but I'm trying with this new format to pick a topic that was highlighted last week and try to give it some context.

The focus will be on our challenges in energy, economy, foreign affairs and dialogue with Serbia in a non-partisan manner. I will also try to highlight features (or is it aspects?) of these issues that are either overlooked or misunderstood.

You may not agree with all of my “opinions” or interpretations of the week’s events, but I will try to use data and facts when discussing the issues at hand – and I will always be available for constructive dialogue. At some point, I will also try to turn these into a podcast of sorts. As I said, I will try to keep them short!

A visit from Turkey

The Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, was in Kosovo this weekend. It was an interesting visit that brought many headlines. Turkey has been a staunch supporter of Kosovo for decades. In foreign policy, it was a fundamental contributor to Kosovo's international recognition and involvement. While serving as Kosovo's Deputy Foreign Minister, I will readily confirm that some very important bilateral recognitions came with the direct involvement of Turkish President Erdogan and Turkish diplomats around the world.

Turkish businesses are important investors in the economic landscape of Kosovo, with large footprints in the airport industry, the banking system, energy, etc. After our diaspora, Turkey is one of the largest providers of FDI in Kosovo.

However, from time to time, we continue to read and hear skeptical voices of "what has Turkey ever done for us?". Some of these writings are immersed in the old historical debates of Albanians who "suffer under the Ottomans". More contemporary critical voices are concerned about the growing bilateral ties between Ankara and Belgrade, as well as the domestic political situation in Turkey. Internationally, some analysts sometimes recoil, projecting Turkey as Russia's alter ego in the Balkans.

Very pole, but not so friendly

Some of these considerations are somewhat difficult to accept. The time of multipolarity in the Balkans has indeed come, but not all poles are equal. The USA and the EU are united in promoting democracy and Euro-Atlantic integration, as well as the security of Kosovo. Turkey is a member of NATO and especially in the case of Kosovo it has played an important role in economic and diplomatic support. China and especially Russia on the other hand, have engaged in much more predatory practices and an agenda that increases the distance between Brussels and the Balkans.

It is also difficult to accept that the needs and interests of our republic today should be shaped by the interpretation of the events of 600 (or 200) years ago. Our historiography is not without sins and follies. Let historians define the period.

Domestic politics in Turkey is also a consideration for the Turks themselves or countries much bigger than us, but I think Kosovo's decision makers cannot afford to become moralistic or pedantic when it comes to any of our allies.

Kosovo's national interest cannot be defined by what happens within partner countries, especially those that have helped, supported and fought for Kosovo.

The recent (and suspiciously unexpected) public displays of support in Pristina for Fethullah Gülen are very strange. This cleric has never been a friend of democracy and is probably responsible for much of the chaos that unfolded in his native land and beyond. We do not need to import the antagonisms of other countries into our own. I think we are doing well with our disagreements.

Human rights organizations or specialized agencies can cover media freedoms in Turkey (or Serbia), women's rights in Saudi Arabia, the labor situation in Qatar - or racism in the US. I dare say that we should look first and foremost at our own backyard, our treatment of Roma and other minorities, our respect for linguistic rights, our situation on the rule of law - and our progress in meeting the EU norms expected in the future. candidate for enlargement.

By welcoming (and appreciating) investments

However, what should be the priority now is getting more investment from Turkey. It is important to put data directly on past investments.

We still read occasional comments on the internet and social media about how "the Turkish company stole KEDS". Considerations were even whispered for Kosovo to forcefully nationalize KEDS. But the data from the KEDS annual reports tell a different story.

By 2013, KEDS (then KEK Shperndarja) was a loss-making public enterprise costing Kosovar taxpayers 50 million euros each year and was creating huge technical and commercial losses for all taxpayers. In the eight years since the privatization – which was facilitated and strongly endorsed by successive US administrations – 170 million euros have been invested in a better electricity grid, dramatically reducing losses and ensuring a stable electricity supply for the vast majority of Kosovars.

In the same period of time, KEDS and KESCO have paid KEK over 1.5 billion euros for electricity produced by our power generation company. In 2013, the loss ratio was around 33% of all households, but by 2020, this had fallen to 19% - with many losses occurring in northern Kosovo for more political reasons. The average salary at KEDS has also increased to almost 850 euros, which has helped make the entire energy sector attractive for qualified workers.

It is a similar story with Pristina Airport: it is now a much more profitable company, under the concession of the Turkish-French consortium; better managed and bringing in more revenue to the central budget - while it was managed by the Kosovo government at the time. The banking system has also benefited from the arrival of Turkish banks. While we had a duopoly of German and Austrian banks in post-war Kosovo, interest rates were close to lending practices at around 12% - but with increased competition, mainly from more risk-tolerant Turkish banks, lending rates fell dramatically and are now around six percent. Of course, the enforcement reforms initiated by USAID also helped.

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