The indifference of Brussels

For the forgetful, even a faithful chronicle of events, for which there is a mountain of documents on paper and on film for the last hundred years of our history, is not enough.

Beginning after the German capitulation in 1945, the Assembly of Kosovo was held in Prizren with an agenda determined by the Serbs. In the name of some new annexation of Kosovo, the vote of the delegates was required to have their say for a "democratic" union with Serbia. All Albanians who opposed this annexation were pursued, arrested and sentenced by firing squad. Those who made the plan continued to say that this assembly decided that Kosovo should join Serbia.

In 1958, schools that had opened in the Albanian language were threatened with closure. After a powerful protest by Albanians in 1958, many activists of the national cause were arrested and sentenced. In this case, Adem Demaçi was arrested and sentenced to five years in prison. As a result of the demonstrations, primary and secondary schools continued to work in the mother tongue.

The powerful demonstrations continued in 1968. Hundreds of protesters were arrested again, together with Adem Demaçin, who this time was sentenced to 15 years in prison.

The rapid development of events brought the problem of Kosovo Albanians to the Yugoslav federation. This year, the initiative of constitutional changes took place throughout the RSFJ. Until 1974, when the new constitution came into force, none of the republics and the two provinces had a defined territory. For this work, the Central Committee of the LKJ authorizes Malaysian Sreten Zhujovic and Slovenian Eduard Kardel, Slovenian. For a little more than five years, they brought to the table the map of the borders of these units of the federation, with a fixed eight units. Kosovo became a constituent part of the Yugoslav federation

In the historical literature of Kosovo, the historian Seit Lipa has written and published a book about the work of Sreten Zhujovic and Eduard Kardel. In this book entitled "Kosovo in the period of socialist reconstruction", he also talks about the reasoning that Sreten Zhujoviqi and Eduard Kardeli have made before the federal assembly and before the Central Committee of the LKJ for establishing the administrative boundaries of each unit.

Among other things, Seit Lipa writes: Kosovo without its northern part, which was completely colonized by the Serbs at the time of the King before the Second World War, is a piece of land too poor to survive as an autonomous territory. Therefore, at that time, the borders of KSAK were drawn. Even the name Kosovo was formalized by the constitution and in every law.

Although the constitution brought many rights and equality for Albanians, the Albanian-speaking rulers never implemented them properly. The Federation was kept in check. In every gathering that was called according to duty, in every case in Belgrade, the topic was Kosovo. In all the congresses of the LKJ, there was no talk about the previously determined points, but about the Albanians and about Kosovo, a topic that was forcefully imposed by Serbia. Every congress adopted a new platform against the Albanians.

The death of Tito also brought the death of Yugoslavia. Tito died in 1980, while in 1981 the largest demonstrations took place in Kosovo, when the demand for Kosovo to be recognized as a Republic was raised. Everything went down for Kosovo and its autonomy on paper.

Since then, no one read the constitution to say what can and should be protected. The Albanians, as usual, were divided. Those who, even with metaphors, opposed the intervention of the Serbian police in Kosovo in 1981, were expelled from the party and from work. Thus, the autonomy of Kosovo lived in drag until Slobodan Milosevic clearly said that they will destroy it. He takes command of four federal units. The last representative of Kosovo in the presidency of the Yugoslav state, Riza Sapunxhi, was replaced by Sejdo Bajramović.

Serbia had prepared many measures. Forcefully shut down all media in the Albanian language. Serbian mayors were appointed in all municipalities. He fired all Albanian workers, wherever they were in the public administration. He dismissed all Albanian workers in factories and mines. He expelled the students from the buildings of all the faculties. He removed all Albanian students from secondary and primary schools, even Albanian children from preschools. Removed all Albanian doctors from all hospitals and ambulances.

Albanians were finally excluded from the political and economic system. The EU issued a resolution condemning these measures and calling for talks on some autonomy. Serbia has never read that resolution.

Albanians were left with self-organization or fleeing abroad. Until the appearance of the KLA, Serbia did not even talk about the existence of Albanians.

After the start of the armed war, the international community forced the Albanian and Serbian sides to an international meeting in Rambuje. After many days, it was possible to draw up a basic document for a temporary agreement, which was signed by the Albanian side, but not by the Serbian side.

78 days of NATO bombing followed. In Kumanovo, the end of the war and the withdrawal of Serbian police, military and paramilitary forces from Kosovo was announced. Later, an emissary was appointed to draw up the Kosovo independence plan, which is known as the Ahtisaari Plan. Serbia rejected this plan without reading it at all

After several years of efforts by the international community, the parties sat down for talks, as they said technically, in Brussels. Every meeting in Brussels was declared historic. This went on for years. Ohrid also came. Even this meeting was declared historic by all those who participated.

The crisis now seems almost like the end of the war. International mediators said that the Ohrid agreement is binding for both parties, even though Serbia has not signed it. Thus, not that no agreement was reached, but excesses also broke out. NATO soldiers were also endangered and affected, as well as the police forces of Kosovo.
No one was heard from Brussels to say that Serbia has not signed anything, but that it must respect the agreement. International emissaries rushed to Kosovo to force it to give in to Serbia's demands. As is known, everything is brought about by some association of Serbian municipalities. Brussels is turning blind and deaf thinking that Serbia signs any agreement, although the Serbian president has clearly told them that he will never sign.