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South Korea's democracy was on the verge of being overthrown by a populist president, but was saved by the people

South Korea's democracy was on the verge of being overthrown by a populist president, but was saved by the people
Youngmi Kim

By: Youngmi Kim, lecturer at the University of Edinburgh and director of the Scottish Centre for Korean Studies / The Guardian
Translation: Telegrafi.com

Compared to other industrialized and developed countries, South Korea is still a young democracy, having transitioned from authoritarian to democratic rule only in 1987. However, the political freedoms and beliefs that Koreans had taken for granted were suddenly shaken on December 3, when President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law, justifying this action with allegations of anti-state activities and collaboration with North Korea by some political actors.

His actions deeply shocked the country, and lawmakers immediately gathered in the National Assembly, in a clear act of defiance of the ban on political activities that accompanied the imposition of martial law. The 190 lawmakers present that night (out of a total of 300) managed to break through the cordons of special forces around the Parliament building and within hours voted to repeal the law. President Yoon quickly withdrew the decree. Tens of thousands of ordinary citizens filled the streets around the National Assembly, demanding the president’s impeachment. It took two attempts for enough lawmakers to vote to remove the president. As Yoon appeared in his impeachment hearing, these may have seemed very dark days for democracy. But, in reality, these events should give Koreans hope.


Yoon, a self-proclaimed populist leader, had long struggled to govern, with a minority government and an inability to pass laws. Endless scandals involving the first lady, Kim Keon-hee, further rocked Yoon’s already fragile position. Then, in the fall of 2024, the Myung Tae-kyun scandal broke. Myung was a political broker who ran a polling company. In September, media reported that his company had published unverified polls and illegally influenced the election. In the weeks that followed, phone records were reported to show that Myung had brokered deals with Yoon, the first lady, and other candidates from the People’s Power Party (PPP), reminiscent of the 2017 political influence scandal that led to national protests and the impeachment of former President Park Geun-hye. Yoon insisted he had done nothing improper. Protests followed, demanding accountability and his dismissal.

Isolated, Yoon and his key political allies, including government officials such as the former Defense Minister and other security officials, undertook the ultimate political move: a autogolpe – a coup organized by the government itself, attempting to seize power through the imposition of martial law. A minority of his hard-line supporters, from the more right-wing segments of the political spectrum, have been active on the streets of Seoul, as well as in YouTube and social media. On Sunday, January 19, several protesters attacked the Seoul Western District Court, injuring police officers and causing significant property damage; dozens of people were arrested.

The goal of Yoon's supporters is to radicalize the political debate by discrediting the opposition leader, Lee Jae-myung, who is himself under investigation for other scandals. By refusing to participate in Parliament or in key votes related to the impeachment, the People Power Party (PPP) is playing a dangerous game, relying on the fatigue of ordinary citizens, exhausted by scandals and endless political conflicts.

All of this suggests that there are strong reasons to question the quality of democracy in South Korea. It is clear that it is not in a healthy state, due to numerous political scandals, as well as worsening socio-economic inequalities, so well reflected in Korean dramas and films – from Squid Games te PThis has led to major political turmoil, with the risk of a return to military rule, further exacerbated by the possibility of clashes between opposing factions in the streets.

Yet, despite all these worrying signs, I find reason to hope. In a time of deep crisis, South Korea's core democratic institutions have remained strong.

First, Parliament acted swiftly to repeal martial law, with nationwide support from ordinary citizens, who still live with traumatic memories of authoritarian governments and state violence.

Second, the Constitutional Court hearings are ongoing, as the law must be enforced, regardless of what political actors may say or wish. The Office of the Investigation into the Corruption of Senior Officials (CIO) has been working tirelessly to investigate whether the imposition of martial law constituted an act of treason. The first instance of the failure to arrest Yoon was not due to the CIO’s incompetence, but was an attempt to minimize any risk of casualties, whether among police officers, Prosecution staff, or the presidential security team guarding Yoon’s residence.

Third, the institutions responsible for law enforcement, such as the Army, the Police, and the security services at the presidential residence, have shown clear restraint, even in tense situations. While the top leaders of key institutions have been arrested, mid- and low-ranking officials are pursuing their democratic duty to enforce the law. During martial law, parents of soldiers sent messages to their sons, urging them not to harm ordinary citizens, reminding them of the massacre in the southwestern city of Guangzhou in May 1980.

Institutions are not simply abstract and impersonal structures, detached from the cultural and social context in which they operate. They are made up of ordinary Korean citizens, imbued with their democratic culture and upbringing, which they are proud of and are willing to defend. Thanks to an extraordinary display of popular opposition to presidential actions and a democratic culture rooted in many institutions, South Korea's democracy has so far shown remarkable resilience. /Telegraph/