Kosovo 18 years old: Adult, also responsible

At the age of 18, you are expected to have responsibility, make decisions, and understand the consequences.

Kosovo's jubilee finds it with uncertainties and dilemmas that challenge every "adult", but also with achievements and victories that give it the right to brag.

The shadow that was feared to follow it disappeared just six days before the anniversary: ​​on February 11, after almost a year with institutions in office, Kosovo constituted their new composition, writes Free Europe.

The period of blockade was not simply a procedural delay, but a vacuum that paralyzed decision-making, narrowed the space for action, and left the state waiting for itself.

The delay wasn't even accidental.

In the past 18 years, political rancor, internal conflicts, and selective interpretations of rules - created by the political class itself - often turned important processes into missed opportunities.

From the failure to join the Council of Europe to the suspension of the Strategic Dialogue with the US, Kosovo paid the price of internal conflict more than external opposition.

But, not for lack of ability.

In these 18 years, the country has proven that it knows how to build institutions and achieve results - from economic growth to reducing unemployment - when there is coordination and the will to act in a timely manner.

It is recognized by over 120 countries, is part of various international organizations, and has a place in sports, culture, and art - proof that it can compete and affirm itself even beyond its borders.

In the words of former US Ambassador to Pristina, Jeffrey Hovenier, the citizens of Kosovo "deserve to be congratulated and appreciated for the extraordinary progress they have made in establishing and consolidating their sovereign and independent state."

"Kosovo is no longer a state in transition; on the contrary, it is an independent and successful democratic state," Hovenier tells Radio Free Europe.

But now, as an 18-year-old in a world where geopolitical circumstances change rapidly and allies are not always patient, Kosovo faces clear expectations and must carefully chart its next steps.

Integration, economy, governance...

Hovenier says that the country's priorities for the coming years can be divided into three categories, starting with integration into European and Euro-Atlantic structures.

He believes that Kosovo has made real progress in this regard, but that there is still work to be done.

"Kosovo's membership in the Council of Europe and progress on the path towards the European Union and NATO depend on key partners, who must see credible and responsible efforts to respond positively to requests for progress in certain areas," says Hovenier.

In this context, he underlines the importance of fulfilling the obligations that Kosovo has undertaken within the framework of the dialogue for the normalization of relations with Serbia, mediated by the EU.

Secondly, Hovenier mentions economic growth and development.

It directly links Kosovo's long-term stability and success to its ability to build an economy that generates prosperity and real opportunities for its citizens.

It acknowledges that significant progress has been achieved, but underlines that this is not enough.

According to him, the country must do more to attract foreign investment and create conditions for the private sector to compete successfully in the global market.

"An increased focus on regional economic growth and development, as well as government policies that respond to the legitimate demands of the business community, would contribute to this necessary progress," says the former US ambassador.

As a third priority, he mentions the consolidation of democratic institutions and effective governance, noting that "Kosovo has not benefited from the almost one-year period of interim governance."

"They've missed some opportunities," says Hovenier.

His messages are also complemented by Wolfgang Petritsch, former European Union special envoy for Kosovo.

He appreciates the achievements in the socio-economic plan, but says they are still far from the level that would guarantee long-term stability.

According to him, the real challenge is creating conditions for the younger generation to see the future within the country, not outside it.

"Many Kosovars are still forced to seek their well-being outside their country," Petritsch tells Radio Free Europe.

He expects from the new Kosovo Government an ambitious economic strategy, harmonized with the European Union's agenda for sovereign autonomy.

One of Petritsch's strongest warnings is related to what he calls "the end of the transatlantic era."

According to him, this has direct consequences for Kosovo's relationship with the United States, which he describes as "the country's long-term liberator and protector."

"Particularly at a time when Kurdish freedom fighters have been abandoned by the US in Iraq, or when Palestinians are further from their state than ever, we must remind ourselves that the United States and Europe went to war to ensure Kosovo's survival - and its eventual independence," says Petritsch.

This, according to him, contains a lesson and an obligation for Kosovo: to become a respected member of the community of democratic European states.

In his assessment, Kosovo must sincerely engage with minorities, especially the Serb community in the north, and after a long period of democratic uncertainty, have a functional and effective government.

“This would transform Kosovo into a 'grown-up' European state,” says Petritsch.

And, the international perspective on Kosovo's challenges is completed by former senior NATO official, Jamie Shea.

He says the new government in Pristina must regain the trust of the US and its European partners, who, in return, must work harder to secure full recognition of Kosovo and secure its membership in international organizations.

"Clear strategies and more effective international public diplomacy are needed to argue for NATO and EU membership," Shea tells Radio Free Europe.

Domestically, Shea says, the new Kosovo government should give the Serbian community a degree of local governance, within the framework of the Kosovo Constitution, by stopping treating it as a "fifth column."

"Seduction works better than coercion," Shea concludes.